What is white nationalist socialist

The German Empire

Wolfgang Kruse

Apl. Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Kruse, born in 1957, is an academic senior counselor and adjunct professor in the Department of Modern German and European History at the Historical Institute of the Distance University in Hagen. His main research interests include the history of the First World War, the history of the French Revolution, the history of the German and international labor movement and the history of the political cult of the dead. Von Kruse has published: Wolfgang Kruse: The First World War, Darmstadt 2009 (history compact of the WBG).

Originally an emancipatory idea, nationalism developed into a right-wing ideology in the course of the 19th century. Reich nationalism emerged that conjured up images of the enemy - outside and inside. Finally, with the Pan-German Association, Pan-Germanic-Völkisch nationalism appeared on the stage, which clearly showed pre-fascist features: It called for the creation of a homogeneous, nationally, politically and racially unified people's community.

The Germania near Rüdesheim am Rhein (Hesse). The Niederwald monument commemorates the victory over France in 1870/1871 and the resulting re-establishment of the German Empire. The monument, inaugurated on September 16, 1877, was built according to the designs of the sculptor Johannes Schilling and the architect Karl Weißbach. (& copy picture-alliance / dpa)

The nation was originally, since the French Revolution, a progressive principle directed against princely rule, aristocracy and the feudal order of privileges, which aimed at national popular sovereignty and the equal union of self-governing peoples. At the same time, nationalism increasingly took on the character of a secular religion, which was able to transfer the traditional religious foundations of meaning into secular orientations and which was highly effective across Europe. In the second half of the 19th century nationalism developed from a left-wing to a right-wing political ideology, whose originally emancipatory goals were replaced by legitimizing tendencies and which towards the end of the century as "integral nationalism" followed the absolute primacy of one's own nation Connected on the outside with exclusive characterizations of the national on the inside. Nationalism and patriotism now also appeared in the German Empire, as the liberal Ludwig Bamberger judged at the end of the Bismarck era, increasingly "under the sign of hatred (...) against everything that does not blindly submit, at home or outside".

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The national liberal MP Hans Viktor von Unruh on his impressions of the enthusiasm of the population on a trip through Baden and Württemberg in 1871

It has already been mentioned that by 1870 a very large part of the conservative party had no sympathy for the establishment of a German empire.

It happened in my house that an officer refused to toast the future German Kaiser. With the victories in 1870/71, the mood also changed in these circles. On a foot trip that I made with my eldest son through the Black Forest and part of Baden and Württemberg in 1871, we often stopped at small, rural inns and had the opportunity to talk to country people, innkeepers, foresters, etc. Everywhere there was joy not only about the victories, but especially about the re-establishment of the German Empire. 'We won't let that be taken from us again'. Was uttered often. In all tavern rooms hung, albeit bad, cheap portraits of the Kaiser, Bismarck, the Crown Prince and Moltke. However, in these strata of the population the belief prevailed that the emperor was the real overlord over the individual states. At that time it became clear to me that the old imperial tradition, which had been lost in Prussia due to its independent history, still lived on in southern Germany.

If only a confederation of states had come about, with the King of Prussia at its head, it would presumably have found very little sympathy among the southern German population. The emperor and empire met with enthusiastic approval. The tenacious particularism is in the higher classes, mainly in the civil servants!

From: Ritter, Das deutsche Kaiserreich, p. 180.

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The new imperial nationalism

Hermann Monument in the Teutoburg Forest. License: cc by / 2.0 / de ("Beige Alert" - Michael Pereckas)
After the founding of the empire, it was first necessary to replace the traditional identifications of the particular state with an overarching empire nationalism, if not to supplement it and to vault it. For this, the empire offered itself primarily as a point of reference, supplemented by the military successes in the wars of the establishment of the empire and the identification with the "founder of the empire" Otto von Bismarck. Because of the Prussian primacy in the empire, German nationalism received not only a Borussian, but also a decidedly Protestant character, which could give the new nation-state an almost holy character. In the age of historicism, however, it was not possible, as in today's research, to view the nation as an "imaginary order", rather it required objectifying historical derivations, which were not least expressed in the national monuments of the empire. So Wilhelm I was stylized as "Barbablanca / Whitebeard" to the revenant of the Staufer Emperor Friedrich I "Barbarossa / Rotbart", who had only rested in Kyffhäuser and waited for the newly forged empire.

View of the Völkerschlachtdenkmal in Leipzig, taken on October 17, 2011. With a height of 91 meters, it is one of the largest monuments in Europe. (& copy picture-alliance, ZB)
Historically, the reference to Hermann the Cheruscan, whose Germanic uprising against the Romans was interpreted as an early incarnation of the German nation in the fight against "Welsche" threats, went back much further. Finally, in 1913, the Völkerschlachtdenkmal in Leipzig expressed most clearly the folkish content of German nationalism aimed at unity and struggle.

However, under the sign of national liberal participation in the establishment of the Reich and the constitution, Reich nationalism continued to be associated with liberal ideas of national freedom and self-determination. One focus of the "German Idea of ​​Freedom" (Leonard Krieger) was, however, from the beginning on freedom from external foreign determination. In addition, there was the meaningful reference to the German cultural nation, as found its classic expression in monuments to Schiller and Goethe. Germanness appeared as a higher moral culture, superior not only to Slavic "unculture", but also to Western civilization, which was superficially disqualified. The idea of ​​the imperial nation was finally combined with ideas of a positive historical-political special path between Prussia and Germany, as propagated by many historians. On the one hand, this German special path, unlike in Eastern Europe, produced an ultra-modern state and social order, which, on the other hand, unlike in the West, was not shaped by revolutionary overthrow and democratic self-government, but by the leadership of the nation by the strong state of the Prussian military monarchy.

National identity and conjuring up enemy images

From the beginning, the development of imperial nationalism was accompanied by the evocation of external and internal enemies of the empire, against whom the nation had to unite and defend itself. While externally, apart from the French "hereditary enemy", this primarily involved defensive orientations aimed at the consolidation of the new great power in the center of Europe, the feeling of threat internally evoked from the beginning aggressive turns against supposed enemies of the Reich, the nationalism given an exclusive character. Not only the national minorities in the empire (Danes, French, Lithuanians, Masurians, Poles) who were subject to a cultural and economic policy of Germanization, but also all political opponents of official imperial policy such as left-wing liberal progressives, "ultramontane" Catholics and above all the social democrats appeared to be hostile to the empire with their internationalist orientations. They were also ostracized from the nation as "patriotic journeymen" (Wilhelm II) beyond the persecution under the socialist laws (1878-1890). There was also a smoldering anti-Semitism.

The economic and social crisis of the 1870s brought about a turn against "Jewish liberalism" and "Jewish capital", which had to be excluded from the nation. In elections, the anti-Semitism politically organized by the court preacher Adolf Stoecker could not achieve any great success, but it penetrated deeply into the consciousness of not least the upper educated classes. The national liberal historian Heinrich v. Treitschke began to conjure up the fight against Judaism with great success at the end of the 1970s. A decisive reply by his famous liberal colleague Theodor Mommsen marked the opposing position in the so-called Berlin anti-Semitism dispute with his brochure 'Also a word about our Judaism', but anti-Semitism quickly became popular, not least among students and their fraternities. In the period that followed, he increasingly combined himself with a völkisch conception of nationalism that aimed at the biological purity of the German master people. In one of the best-selling books of the empire, Julius Langbehn's work "Rembrandt als Erzieher" published in 1890, it was said about the Germans: "They are, were and will be his Aryans. For this innate character they should live and fight and die, if so Because basically only the blood is worth - the very own blood - that a blood is shed for its sake. (...) The Germans are destined to represent the nobility of the world. "

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Heinrich v. Treitschke on Judaism and anti-Semitism 1879

(...) Among the symptoms of the profound change of mood that is going through our people, none seems so strange as the passionate movement against Judaism.

A few months ago there was still the so called "reverse Hep Hep shouting" in Germany. Everyone could say the harshest things about the national mistakes of the Germans, the French and all other peoples, but anyone who dared to speak fairly and moderately about any undeniable weakness of the Jewish character was immediately branded by the entire press as a barbarian and persecutor of religion. (...) If the English and French speak with some disdain of the prejudice of the Germans against the Jews, we have to answer: You do not know us; you live in happier circumstances, which make the emergence of such "prejudices" impossible. The number of Jews in Western Europe is so small that they cannot exert any tangible influence on national morality; However, year after year, across our eastern frontier, a crowd of ambitious young men selling trousers comes in from the inexhaustible Polish cradle, whose children and grandchildren will one day rule Germany's stock exchanges and newspapers; Immigration is growing steadily, and the question of how we can merge this foreign folk with ours is becoming ever more serious. (...) What we have to demand from our Israelite fellow citizens is simple: they should become Germans, simply feel like Germans - without prejudice to their faith and their old sacred memories, which are venerable to all of us; for we do not want the millennia of Germanic customs to be followed by an age of German-Jewish mixed culture. It would be sinful to forget that very many Jews, baptized and unbaptized, Felix Mendelssohn, Veit, Riesser and others - to keep the living silent - were German men in the best sense of the word, men in whom we German the noble and good features Worship the spirit. But it remains equally undeniable that numerous and powerful circles of our Judaism by no means cherish the good will to simply become Germans. Embarrassing enough to talk about these things; even the word of conciliation is easily misunderstood here. I believe, however, that some of my Jewish friends will regretfully agree with me when I assert that in recent times a dangerous spirit of arrogance has grown up in Jewish circles, that the influence of Judaism on our national life, which in earlier days had many good things created, has recently shown itself to be harmful in many ways. (…) But the most dangerous thing is the unreasonable preponderance of Judaism in the daily press - a fateful consequence of our narrow-minded old laws, which denied the Israelites access to most of the learned professions. For ten years, public opinion in many German cities was mostly "made" by Jewish pens; It was a misfortune for the Liberal Party, and one of the reasons for its decline, that its press in particular gave Judaism far too much leeway. The necessary setback against this unnatural condition is the present impotence of the press; The little man can no longer be persuaded that the Jews write the newspapers, so he no longer wants to believe them. (...) Let us not be mistaken; the movement is very deep and strong (...). Even in the circles of the highest education, among men who would reject any thought of ecclesiastical impatience or national arrogance with disgust, it sounds today as if from one mouth: the Jews are our misfortune! (...)

From: Prussian Yearbooks 44, repr. in: German history in sources and representations, Vol. 8, pp. 191-93

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Theodor Mommsen, Also a word about our Judaism (1880)

(…) Our generation has been given what history can say of a few, that the great goals that we found before us when we began to think have now been achieved by our nation.

Anyone who still knew the time of the assemblies of the estates with an advisory voice and of Germany, which was at most the same color on the map, our Reichstag and our Reich flag will not be too expensive at any price, whatever may come, and a lot can still come come. But it takes firm courage and a wide vision to be happy with this happiness. The next episodes, however, are reminiscent of the saying that fate punishes people by fulfilling their wishes. In the nascent Germany one asked how it befits those fencing together, not about denominational and tribal differences, not about the conflicting interests of the peasant and the townsperson, the merchant and the industrialist, in the incarnate there is a war of all against all and we will soon get so far Be that a citizen with full rights is only one who is firstly able to trace back his ancestry to one of the three sons of Mannus (according to West Germanic mythology, founder of the Germanic tribes, WK), secondly, the Gospel confesses as the pastor collocutus (representative of the ecclesiastical doctrine , WK) interprets it, and thirdly proves to be experienced in plowing and sowing. In addition to the confessional war that has long since broken out, the so-called Kulturkampf, and the civil war of the purse, which has recently begun, the fraud of national sentiment, the campaign of the anti-Semites, now comes into being. (...)

Anyone who really knows history knows that the transformation of nationality occurs often enough in gradual progress and with numerous and varied transitions. Historically and practically everywhere only the living is right; Just as the descendants of the French colony in Berlin are not French-born in Germany, just as little are their Jewish fellow citizens anything else from Germans. That the Jewish mass immigration over the eastern border, which Mr. Treitschke put at the top of his Jewish article, is a pure invention, as is well known, Mr. Neumann demonstrated with the help of statistics in a striking way (...). This is actually the seat of the madness that has now gripped the masses and its right prophet is Mr. Treitschke. What does it mean when he demands of our Israelite fellow citizens that they should become Germans? You are, as good as he and me. He may be more virtuous than she is; but do virtues make the Germans? Who gives us the right to delete our fellow citizens of this or that category from the ranks of the Germans because of the mistakes that this category is generally charged with, even if it is rightly so? (...)

Certainly the differences are there; and they are such that the Jewish cult of a certain epoch or - in whatever form it usually appears today - the fear of the Jews is probably one of the simplest-minded confusions which our nation has liked and still liked to use.But these limitations and deficiencies are again opposed to abilities and advantages, the possession of which did not, in the last analysis, cause this agitation. It is no accident either that the purest and most ideal of all philosophers lived and suffered as a Jew; and they could take an example from Jewish charity, even against Christians. It is just like everywhere. Light and shadow are mixed; whether more or less unequal, no one will dare to decide who is not a court preacher. (...)

From: German history in sources and representations, Vol. 8, pp. 194-97.

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The historian Hans Delbrück in 1913 on the Germanization policy in the Prussian eastern provinces

(...) In the modern nation state it is a particularly difficult task when essential elements of a foreign nation are included.

How can a state of Germans, which is completely built on the living consciousness of the German people, cope with the fact that it has no less than 4 million Poles, and besides that Danes in the north, French in the west, in its imperial and state body has? There can never be a pure solution to this problem. It is customary to say and will always say with a certain right: after all, the Poles are only Prussians on notice. They take the oath on the constitution, do their duty, also work on the positive current tasks of the state (...) - and yet, if one imagines that world history, or, as the Poles put it, "if it is God's will is ", once the possibility of establishing a Polish nation-state shows, they will regard this as a higher law and turn to this state. How can one come to terms with such a part of the people? Those who are determined think they should be Germanized. That was also tackled 25 years ago. We have the elementary school, the German schoolmaster. Polish children learn German from the sixth year on, and what they have learned in school is completed in the army; the Polish recruits are distributed among the German regiments. The entire administration is German, the official language German, all higher officials German. In addition, enormous resources have been expended to buy up Polish property and to settle German farmers instead. (...)

The Germanization of the elementary school was accompanied by the gradual Germanization of the entire higher civil service. While there used to be a large number of Poles in the higher official level, including in the officer corps, they have gradually almost completely disappeared from it. (...) Now the main means of Germanizing the Eastern Marches, the German farmers' settlement. We have settled there a total of over 120,000 German farmers (number of souls) and thereby created a really significant piece of Germanness. Yes, even the Poles have their own law making it very difficult to settle in their homeland. If a Pole buys a piece of land and wants to build a house, he can be forbidden to do so. This law of exception, which encroaches so deeply on private property, has really been used very often in all its severity. (...)

All the unwanted consequences of the poorly thought out Germanization measures, the German elementary school, the German civil service, the German colonization now come together in one focal point: the incitement of the Polish national feeling. (...)

From: Government and the will of the people. An academic lecture, Berlin 1914, abr. in: German history in sources and representations, Vol. 8, pp. 186-88.

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Wilhelmine radicalization of imperial nationalism

In the Wilhelmine phase of the empire, two new factors were added that radicalized imperial nationalism further: Under the sign of high imperialism, imperial policy shifted from consolidation and rather hesitant colonial acquisition to an aggressive "world policy". And it was driven by new, bourgeois agitation associations that tried to put the monarchical government under propaganda pressure from the right and thereby developed a radical nationalism. The German Colonial Society had already been founded in 1887, followed by the German Ostmarkenverein (1894), the German Fleet Association (1898), the Reich Association against Social Democracy (1904) and finally the German Wehrverein (1912). A particularly radical, Pan-Germanic-völkisch nationalism was represented by the Pan-German Association as early as 1891, whose chairman Heinrich Class published a programmatic text in 1912 under the title "If I were the Kaiser", which with its demands not only for an expansionist foreign policy, but also for the creation of a homogeneous, nationally, politically and racially unified people's community clearly had a pre-fascist character.

Not all Germans understood the nation in such an aggressive way. In particular, the supposed "patriotic journeymen" developed alternative ideas of a patriotism aimed at national sovereignty and international understanding. In the words of party leader August Bebel, the Social Democrats wanted to make Germany "a country that is nowhere else in the world in such perfection and beauty." But the nationalist mainstream developed in a different direction. World politics was ideologically accompanied by the idea of ​​a "German cultural mission" in the world, in the words of Emanuel Geibel, which are now more and more frequently quoted, "the world should actually" recover. In addition to the unequivocally presupposed cultural and racial inferiority of the colonized peoples, the European enemy images also received an increasingly derogatory and at the same time aggressive note. Not only the "hereditary enmity" against France was now invoked, but also the superiority over Slavic "unculture" and the hatred of the "world domination" of the "English shopkeepers".

Nationalism and Social Darwinism

As a typically imperialist ideology of legitimation, social Darwinism finally also took on specifically nationalist forms. National strength and readiness to fight should distinguish the nation in the confrontation with other nations that is understood as necessary. The retired head of planning in the Prussian General Staff Friedrich v. Bernhardi, for example, in his successful book "Germany and the Next War" not only propagated an aggressive policy of the empire, but also defined war as a "biological necessity" for the nation: "Without the war, however, inferior and corrupt races would all too easily endure Mass and capital power overgrow the healthy, strong elements, and a general decline should be the result. The creative power of war consists in selection. "

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Heinrich Class, program of the national community

The reform of the empire as a whole

The last discussions with regard to the big banks and department stores have already led to individual questions which have basically nothing to do with the quid pro quo of the educated and the wealthy, which is fundamentally required in the imperial reform, but which could be dealt with at this point for reasons of convenience; In summary, it should be pointed out that my reform proposal is a unified whole that can be paraphrased as follows:
Replacement of the general equal suffrage by a suitable class or multiple vote suffrage with simultaneous transition to the parliamentary system with personal consideration of the educated and haves in the field of political work.

It does not seem in doubt that such a reform can lay the foundation for a healthy political life for the nation; the disgust, which has alienated the most serious and valuable forces from him, will disappear, and we will see again that men of great understanding and deep knowledge of the German people and their needs make themselves available to the fatherland for political work. While the proposed measures are being introduced and secured, political cooperation cannot be enforced by law, but one can rely on the fact that it will be carried out with pleasure once the possibility of profitable work reappears.

Fight against the coup

Political life would thus be healthy - but, as one will immediately notice, only to the extent that it takes place in parliament; public life outside parliament would hardly change, perhaps even run wild, as social democracy would continue to incite the masses with the catchphrase of the disenfranchisement of the people; who does not think of the possibility of revolutionary upheavals? That is why it is necessary under all circumstances to take legislative measures that thoroughly put an end to the traitorous agitators who are treacherous to the people. (...) Go back to the draft of the Socialist Law that Bismarck submitted to the Reichstag in 1878 and let it become law without the dilutions that were popular with parliament at the time. According to this, everything that serves endeavors aimed at undermining the existing state and social order or giving rise to fear of such would have to be forbidden; So assemblies, associations, newspapers, magazines of such a tendency are not tolerated; otherwise, all the preventive measures that the draft of September 1878 provided for must be introduced. But you have to go a step further.

A radical workers' party that stands on the soil of the state, the nation, the monarchy can digest our public life, perhaps even use it very well, to arouse the consciences against any inclination to a "bourgeois policy" if necessary - but not one to anarchism driving representation of the masses who have rejected their own people, their own fatherland. A molting of social democracy under Jewish leadership is impossible, as is a slow turning away from internationalism. It is therefore necessary to give the masses the opportunity to turn back or to stop by releasing them from their current leadership by all members of the Reichstag and Landtag, all party officials, all editors, publishers, editors of socialist newspapers and magazines, all socialist trade union leaders - briefly all those in the service of socialist propaganda are expelled from the German Reich; the same is of course true of all anarchists.

One must not be sentimental (...) The struggle has been taken up and begins, and the state must be determined to make use of the means of defense which the new "overthrow law" gives it; every new leader must be expelled from the country immediately if he acts revolutionary; every newspaper founded without a party that makes the appearance of becoming socialist in the sense of hostility towards the state must be suppressed; every meeting that threatens to be misused in the sense of socialist propaganda is to be dissolved. One must also reckon with armed resistance, which must absolutely be put down, bearing in mind that decisive and rapid intervention is much less cruel as a result than the timid and hesitant action, which only provokes the arrogance of the outlaws. (...) if a strike is imminent, the employer affected by it - if there are several all together and each individual - should be authorized to put the geographical area in which his company is located under strike protection; The administrative authority would then issue the order that within a radius of so and so many kilometers (the extent of which will have to be determined in each individual case according to the protective purposes), every gathering of people, every setting up of so-called picket lines, every addressing of those willing to work by relatives of the company or companies concerned the strike party itself is banned. Anyone who violates this prohibition without being guilty of any other criminal act can be taken into security custody, and the administrative authority has the right to extend this custody to the entire duration of the strike, depending on the greater or lesser tension of the situation in the strike area. (...)

The press

The role played by the press, i. H. The Jewish-socialist and Jewish-pseudo-liberal press plays as one of the causes of the manifold damage from which our people's life is now suffering, and finally it has been pointed out that the complete suppression of its party press is necessary in order to effectively combat social democracy.

But this does not eliminate the evils that come from the press, since there are also many sources of calamity outside the socialist one. Just think of the devastating activity of the Berlin Jewish radical democratic newspapers from "Berliner Tageblatt" to "Welt am Montag" and you know that similar papers appear in almost every major city (...) Nothing is certain about such papers, nothing is sacred to them; Without reverence and shyness, with flat after-logic, everything that exists is drawn before the judgment seat of so-called reason; only one thing is safe from their attacks, the inviolable Judaism. The editors are Jews or have gone through their school, dependent on them, and what they write escapes Jewish attitudes or conforms to Jewish views, This press is the strongest weapon of Judaism: it kills or keeps silent, which could be dangerous to it (... ) Our people must actually be indestructible at the core, so that this press has not yet succeeded in loosening the last ties of order - but we must no longer expose them to such influence, and therefore a reform of press law must be demanded in which everyone Experiences of the bishegienic condition are taken into account from the point of view that further poisoning of the people is prevented. (...)

The Jews under alien law

A recovery of our people's life, namely all of its areas, culturally, morally, politically, economically, and the preservation of health that has been regained is only possible if the Jewish influence is either completely eliminated or reduced to the level of the bearable and harmless. In discussing what is necessary in this direction, it will be clear that the innocent must suffer with the guilty - but as much as such things may be painful to the just German, it is better if a certain number of prominent Jews suffer less from their guilt valuable tribal comrades, as the whole German people, is ruined by the poison of these latter. It is precisely the mistake of the good Jews that takes revenge on them, which they made out of the feeling of racial solidarity when they themselves did not advocate that immigration from the east was forbidden at the moment of emancipation.

It is imperative that today the borders are completely and ruthlessly closed against any further Jewish immigration, but it is no longer sufficient. It is just as natural that foreign Jews who have not yet acquired citizenship should be expelled down to the last man as quickly and ruthlessly as possible - but that too is not enough.

As hard as it is for German justice: we have to restrict the rights of the local Jewry in general, no matter how sorry it is for each and every one of us when the good is hit alongside the bad; in such a case one can only count on necessity and close one's heart to compassion; any concession to undeserved sufferers would loosen the rings of armor we must create. The demand must be: the local Jews are placed under alien law.

The preliminary question is: who is a Jew, and it must be answered with severity by considering faith as the original identification mark, but considering race and also treating those who have turned away from the Jewish faith as Jews, at the same time also for the descendants of Mixed marriages adheres to the old Germanic principle that they follow the "worse hand". In order to get through, one would have to determine: Everyone who belonged to the Jewish religious community on January 18, 1871, as well as all descendants of persons who were Jews at that time, even if only one parent was or is Jewish, is a Jew. (...)

It would then be established who is a Jew and who is to be placed under alien law; but what should the alien law determine? It is supposed to draw the line between Germans and Jews and limit the possibilities of having a harmful effect on the people. This includes the following measures: All public offices are closed to Jews, regardless of whether they are paid or volunteered, regardless of whether they are for the Reich, the state or the community. They are not allowed to serve in the army or navy.

You do not receive either active or passive voting rights. They are denied the profession of lawyers and teachers; the management of theaters likewise.Newspapers in which Jews work are to be identified as such; the others, which can be called general "German" newspapers, are allowed to be owned by Jews and still have Jewish directors and employees.

Banks that are not purely personal corporations of individuals are not allowed to have Jewish leaders. In future, rural property may neither be owned by Jews nor encumbered with such hypotheques. In exchange for the protection that the Jews enjoy as aliens, they pay double taxes as the Germans. (...)

Other strangers

Because we have spoken of the Jews as foreigners, the other foreigners are also dealt with in this connection, whose membership of the German Empire causes problems for the Germans; here belong the Poles in the east, the French in the west and the Danes in the north. (...) The slogan is: resolute combat policy against the Poles through the application of expropriation and the introduction of the prohibition of parcelling (...) Extension of the combat laws to all parts of the country endangered by the Polish onslaught, especially Upper Silesia. But you shouldn't limit yourself to that. The state must make it clear that members of a people who are hostile to it have no right to participate in government and administration. (...)

Public health

All reforms to the political body of the German Reich will only be worthwhile if the German people are worth their existence. A racially degenerate, morally devastated and culturally degraded population of the Reich German soil would probably be the "German" people under constitutional and international law, as long as the state they inhabit had not collapsed - they would not be the German people, for which the conscious Germans are fighting these days and worry, not the German people, from whom our great people descended, the heroes of spirit and deed. A mishmash people as beneficiaries of Bismarck's creation is an unbearable thought - rather an end with horror, but in honor, than a continuation that desecrates the German name. (...)

From: Daniel Fryman (pseudonym Class), If I were the Kaiser ‘- Political Truths and Necessities, Leipzig 1913, p. 64ff.

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Selected literature:

Alings, Reinhard: Monument and Nation. The image of the nation state in the monument medium. On the relationship between nation and state in the German Empire 1871-1918, Berlin 1996

Alter, Peter: Nationalism, Frankf./M. 1985

Becker, Frank: Images of War and Nation. The Wars of Unification in the German Bourgeois Public 1864-1913, Munich 2001

Becker, Peter E .: Social Darwinism, Racism, Anti-Semitism and Völkischer Thought, Stuttgart and others. 1990

Krieger, Leonard: The German Idea of ​​Freedom. History of a Political Tadition, Boston 1957

Puschner, Uwe: The Volkish Movement in the Wilhelmine Empire. Language - Race - Religion, Darmstadt 2001.

Rürup, Reinhard: Emancipation and Anti-Semitism. Studies on the "Jewish question" in civil society, Göttingen 1975

Stern, Fritz K .: Cultural pessimism as a political danger. An analysis of national ideology in Germany, Bern and others. 1963

Tacke, Charlotte: Monument in the social space. National symbols in Germany and France in the 19th century, Göttingen 1997

Walkenhorst, Peter: Nation - People - Race. Radical nationalism in the German Empire 1890-1914, Göttingen 2007