Is neo-fascism viewed as fascism

Causes and backgrounds of neo-fascist attitudes among young people. Opportunities for anti-fascist social work

Table of Contents

1. About the need for an anti-fascist strategy in youth work

2. Development and function of neo-fascism in the FRG after 1945
2.1 History of the development of neo-fascism in the FRG
2.1.1 1946: First neo-fascist parties are founded
2.1.2 The emergence of an intellectual current in the ultra-right camp - the 'new right'
2.2 The function of neo-fascism
2.3 Similarities between fascism and neo-fascism
2.3.1 The 'national community'
2.3.2 The 'leader principle'
2.3.3 The 'scapegoat philosophy'
2.4 Summary

3. Presentation of neo-fascist ideology and appearance with special consideration of neo-fascist youth organizations
3.1 Ideology and appearance of neo-fascism in the FRG
3.1.1 The ideology and common basic patterns of neo-fascist groups
3.2 The appearance of neo-fascist groups in the FRG
3.2.1 The 'national democrats'
3.2.1.1 The 'Young National Democrats (JN)'
3.2.1.2 The 'Federation of Youth Loyal to Home (BHJ)'
3.2.1.3 The 'Wiking-Jugend (WJ)' 31
3.2.2 The 'national socialists'
3.2.2.1 The "Military Sports Groups (WSG)"
3.2.2.2 The "Freedom German Workers' Party (FAP)" 34 Appeal: The ANS / NA
3.2.2.2.1 National Collection (N.S.)
3.2.2.2.2 Adolf Hitler Committee (KAH)
3.2.2.2.3 Volkswille initiative
3.2.2.2.4 People's Socialist Movement in Germany / Labor Party (VSBD / PdA)
3.2.2.3 The 'Nationalist Front (NF)'
3.2.3 The national revolutionaries
3.3 Summary

4. Causes and backgrounds for neo-fascist tendencies among non-organized youth
4.1 The socio-economic crisis and its impact on young people
4.1.1 Youth unemployment
4.1.2 Young people's needs and the education system
4.1.3 Impact
4.2 The anti-democratic attitudes and behavior patterns
4.2.1 Past that affects the future
4.2.2 Learning democratic structures using the example of our society
4.3 Neo-fascism as a means of crisis management
4.4 Summary

5. Opportunities for anti-fascist social work
5.1 Attempting an approach to anti-fascist youth work
5.2 Offers for political education in the open youth sector
5.2.1 Alternative city tours
5.2.2 Alternative city rally
5.3 Possible longer-term projects for political education in the open youth sector
5.3.1 Youth researches youth in the Third Reich
5.3.1.1 Aim of the youth research project
5.3.1.2 The implementation of the research project in an ’anti-fascist week’
5.3.2 Anti-fascist youth newspapers, presented using the example of the Bielefeld project 'aze'
5.3.2.1 The preparations for this project
5.3.2.2 The implementation and development of the youth newspaper project
5.4 Summary

6. Closing words

7. Appendix
7.1 Note
7.2 List of Abbreviations
7.3 Bibliography

1. About the need for an anti-fascist strategy in youth work

Neo-fascist wall graffiti as well as xenophobic slogans pile up on walls, walls and park benches. Neo-fascist actions and acts of violence, especially against foreign citizens, are increasing. Organized neo-fascist groups such as the 'Nationalist Front' (NF), the 'Freedom German Workers Party' (FAP) and many others. act in public and unfortunately increasingly activate young people to their circle of sympathizers. With national, social and ecological demagogy, they mainly address young people, more precisely young workers, young unemployed people and schoolchildren (cf. Klartext editions of the NF up to and including 1988).

Neo-fascist groups have also influenced football fan clubs such as the Borussia Front and skinhead culture. As early as 1983, Michael Kühnen gave his supporters from the 'Action Front Nationaler Sozialisten / Nationaler Aktivisten' (ANS / NA) in his newsletter 'The Inner Front' No. 5, p. 11 the task of investigating the movement's influence on skinheads, football fans, etc. to expand. Said and done; it was tried and succeeded. In the meantime, the ANS / NA is banned, but other neo-fascist organizations, such as the FAP, have taken over the recruitment in circles of football fans.

However, in order to be able to develop an anti-fascist strategy in youth work, it is necessary to clarify how neo-fascism has developed in the FRG. It seems just as important to me to investigate which ideology the neo-fascist groups are based on, where the differences lie and which appearance or appearances emerge here. Following this, a definition of the term 'neo-fascism' is necessary first.

When I speak of neo-fascism in this work, I lean on the definition of Reinhard Opitz, who says: "... that the word 'neo' should only mean a mere time indication, so it does not mean anything else, rather than talking about fascism after and since the end of the Second World War ”(Opitz 1988, Volume 2, p. 11).

I should explain that neo-fascism has the same strategies and basic patterns as fascism in the Third Reich; his ways there, however, have been adapted to the present time and situation.

Taking into account the historical development of neo-fascism and the social situation of young people, an attempt should be made to develop an anti-fascist strategy for youth work. A few examples are intended to represent many projects that may still follow.

2. Development and function of neo-fascism in the FRG after 1945

In the context of this work it is impossible for me to provide more than just an outline of the development and function of neo-fascism in the FRG. A more detailed description of this development can be found in the books by Reinhard Opitz "Faschismus und Neofaschismus", Cologne 1988 and in Faller / Siebold (ed.) "Neofaschismus", Frankfurt / M 1986.

2.1 History of the development of neo-fascism in the FRG

"With May 8th 1945 ... for many people the idea of ​​a fundamental break is associated with history, from which a completely new beginning was then" (Gottschaldt in Faller / Siebold (Hg) 1986, p. 88). The “zero” hour did not exist but as early as 1945 “... organizations formed on the“ legal ”surface in the western zones of occupation ... some of which were clearly fascist alliances or only minor nationalist and militarist groups distinguished from openly fascist organizations ”(ibid.).

According to the anti-fascist consensus and the Potsdam Agreement, a reorganization of Germany should take place on a democratic level, which should make the emergence of fascism impossible for ever. However, the reorganization did not proceed as planned in the Potsdam Agreement and in the common anti-fascist consensus. At the end of 1945, for example, the anti-fascist committees were dissolved, parties were only admitted very late, communists were dismissed from their offices in the economy and there was no consistent denazification. "In the early days of Hitler's rule, there were 'economically valuable' Jews. During the occupation there was a kind of 'economically valuable Nazis', this time without an armband ”(Grosser 1984, p. 76).

Former NSDAP functionaries were quickly reinstated, especially in business, on the grounds that they were necessary for reconstruction. So people like Flick, Krupp etc. were released from prison very quickly. In this way, a political field of activity for former Nazi people was created and at the same time the old structures of property and rule were restored.

2.1.1 1946: The first neo-fascist parties were founded

From 1946 a number of ultra-conservative and neo-fascist groups were founded, some of which were very short-lived. About 20 associations of expellees were also founded.

In June 1946, the German Right Party (DRP) was founded in Hamburg. The leadership of this party was in the hands of former NSDAP leaders, such as Dr. Dorls, who joined the NSDAP in 1929. In 1949 the DRP moved into the Bundestag with 5 members. 8.1% of the electorate voted for this party.

Internal disputes caused the DRP to disintegrate. The Socialist Reich Party (SRP) was founded in 1949 by former members of the DRP.

One of the founding members was Dr. Dorls. In the state elections in Lower Saxony in 1951, the SRP won around 11% of the vote. The SRP clearly committed itself to the Third Reich and National Socialism and was banned on October 23, 1952 on the basis of this commitment.

In January 1950 the "German Reich Party" (DRP) was founded. Parts of the membership of the former 'German Right Party' were found here, as well as supporters and members of the banned SRP.

The DRP could be seen as a gathering movement, especially since it was joined in 1952 by the 'German National Party' and in 1956 by the 'Farmers' Party' - both from Lower Saxony.

“We want to and have further developed the thoughts of National Socialism, by which our people and twelve years of German politics were radically influenced” (Naumann quoted from Huhn / Meyer 1986, p. 47).

The DRP thus clearly spread fascist ideas. In 1965 it dissolved itself because it was unable to successfully enter parliament, with one exception: in Rhineland-Palatinate, it achieved 5.1% in the state elections in 1959.

The 'National Democratic Party of Germany' (NPD), founded in November 1964 - partly made up of members of the DRP - saw itself as a national collection movement.

In the years 1966-1968 the NPD moved into the state parliaments of Hesse, Rhineland-Palatinate, Schleswig-Holstein, Lower Saxony, Baden-Württemberg and the Bremen citizenship.

On September 28, 1969, she failed to gain entry into the Bundestag with 4.3% of the vote.

In 1972, under the leadership of the NPD, various neo-fascist organizations were formed as "Action Resistance". This was also the attempt by the neo-fascists to regain political clout.[1]

Then the NPD was quiet for a long time until it was able to record an increase in votes from the beginning of the 80s. In the local elections in March 1989 in Hesse, she managed to move into the Frankfurt Römer in Frankfurt with 6.6% and 7 members.

On July 17th, 1971, the Munich publisher Gerhard Frey founded the 'Deutsche Volksunion e.V.' (DVU). 6 action groups are affiliated with the DVU: 'Aktion Deutsche Einheit' (AKON), 'Aktion deutsches Radio und Fernsehen' (ARF), 'Initiative for Foreigners Limitation' (IfA), 'People's Movement for General Amnesty' (VOGA), 'Schutzbund für Leben und Environment 'and the' Ehrenbund Rudel '.

The DVU sees itself as a collection movement (cf. VVN-BdA Bundesvorstand 1989, p. 15ff). With the establishment of the 'Republicans' in 1983, the NPD was forced to contact Frey and his DVU and to consider creating a joint electoral list, because, for example, in Bavaria, entire district associations have switched to the Republicans.

At the end of November 1983, 7 members met in Munich to found the party The Republicans ’(REP). Franz Schönhuber only needed 5 years of construction time to then catapult the REP with 7.5% into the West Berlin House of Representatives. “Germany's policy, understood as the restoration of German unity ... is the focus of the REP's program. (With - d.verf.) The national question ... arguably, the military policy is always linked ”(VVN-BdA 1989, p. 12). The old Central Europe concept is taken up by the REPs and given new honors.

The term “foreign infiltration” is a central element in the REP. Just as National Socialism made use of the scapegoat philosophy, the REP make use of the fomenting of xenophobia, in which all inadequacies are attributed to foreign infiltration. But not only that. Schönhuber also advocates censorship of the press.

“When we are in power, there will be no“ D mark ”anymore. Newspapers that violate the common good are to be banned ”(Schönhuber quoted from: Frankfurter Rundschau of May 22, 1989).

The trade unions should also limit their work to the well-being of the workers and the prosperity of the workplaces and, of course, they should be politically neutral (cf. ibid). And, the REPs are successful. In the European elections in June 1989 they reached 7.1%[2].

In March 1989, after long negotiations, the 'German People's Union / List Germany' (DVU / List D) was founded in Munich. It is a joint electoral list of the DVU and NPD. The chairman is Gerhard Frey. A decision will be made between the two alliance partners as to who will condone the elections. One partner is then supported by the other partner. The establishment of the DVU / List D took place in good time before the election of the Bremen citizenship, which was seen as a test election. The DVU / List D managed to move in with a mandate in September 1987. In the election of the city council in Bremerhafen at the same time, the DVU / List D won 2 seats.

2.1.2 The emergence of an intellectual current in the ultra-right camp - the 'New Right'

At the beginning of the seventies "... under the banner of a 'new nationalism' intellectual cadres, theoretical circles and theoretical organs emerged ... which produced political, ideological and philosophical treatises with (a) pseudo-Marxist terminology" (Koelschtzky in Faller / Siebold (ed.), P. 45)

The electoral successes of the NPD had shown that "... right-wing extremists had potential" (Koelschtzky 1986, p.13), but that restructuring was necessary. Now it became important to create a common strategy and ideology that could unite all neo-fascist groups under one ideological building. This is the plan of the 'new right'.

The foundations of the "New Right" are the biological concept of man, ethnopluralism - which deals with the national reorganization of the world - liberation nationalism and European "socialism"[3].

At the same time, in addition to the neo-fascist parties, neo-fascist youth organizations emerged, which are examined in more detail in point 3.2 of this work.

2.2 The function of neo-fascism

“The special historical function of fascism is to enable finance capital to transition to its terrorist dictatorship in a monopoly capitalist society” (Opitz, Volume 2, 1988, p. 13). This was achieved through the break-up, persistent persecution and the illegalization of people and organizations that opposed the interests of finance capital. And it did not happen in a relatively short time, but the NSDAP could only develop so quickly because for years before, reactionary-ethnic groups, associations and parties brought fascist thought patterns and also enemy images into the minds of the people, which made it easier for the NSDAP to write their slogans to be anchored in people's minds (cf. Opitz Volume 1, 1988, p. 7ff).

The importance of neo-fascism or its danger is often measured by how great its chances are to get into government functions. The danger of a seizure of power by neo-fascism is currently not against in the Federal Republic. The danger “... lies in the political functions exercised by neo-fascism in its current form and structure for the forces pressing for a further 'turn to the right', increased social exploitation, anti-democratic constitutional and legal changes, increasing rearmament and expansionist adventures ruling political circles ”(Opitz in: Faller / Siebold (Hg) 1986, p. 122).

Opitz names these functions of neo-fascism as follows:

- "The catching function or the function of deriving and converting protest potentials" (Opitz, Volume 2, 1988, p. 14)

The collection function serves to collect people who are disappointed in the established parties and who have irrevocably turned away from them; and that could otherwise pose a threat to the political system.

The collection of protest potential by neo-fascist groups with their anti-democratic goals, in turn, benefits the reactionary forces.

- "The alibi function for reactionary government policy" (ibid)

The neo-fascist groups with e.g.Their clear campaigns against foreigners and their identity discussions pave the way for reactionary government steps, which without this preparation might have drawn a large electorate from the right-wing conservative parties. In addition, through militant neo-Nazi groups, the ruling circles can give themselves the impression that they are pursuing moderate politics and that they are a party of the center by labeling the militant groups as "right".

- "The barometer function" (ibid)

It is used to make it clear whether an anti-parliamentary mass base can be developed from the domestic political disintegration processes and to what extent it has already developed.

- "The active driving force in legal development" (ibid)

The growing electorate of neo-fascist parties puts the ruling parties in a position to take another turn to the right under the pressure that other groups of the electorate would otherwise push away. For example, parts of monopoly capital can exert pressure on the established parties due to the growing electorate of neo-fascist parties. A development to the right is taking place.

- "The long-term ideological reorientation function" (Opitz, Volume 2, 1988, p. 16)

This function serves the "ideological-cultural climate change" (ibid), as e.g. the revision of the historical image by the historians' dispute indicates.

- "The terrorist intimidation and auxiliary police function against democratic movements" (ibid)

For this purpose, the military sports groups and other neo-fascist cover organizations serve in the FRG, which keep themselves available as intimidation and racket potential.

- "The destabilization function" (ibid)

The neo-fascist military sports groups and other neo-fascist racket organizations serve to create a feeling of destabilization in public. A general dissatisfaction is to be generated by “violence from the right and left” (Opitz in: Faller / Siebold (Hg) 1986, p. 123), which can then result in legitimation by the population to restrict the right to demonstrate and the right to assemble.

- "The street fighting and civil war function" (ibid)

This function is updated in those countries in which a class struggle situation urges a decision for internal political reasons.

These functions indicate that neo-fascism is being used as a means of transport by the ruling legal circles to a further legal development.

2.3 Similarities between fascism and neo-fascism

In the introduction I already mentioned that neo-fascism has the same basic pattern as fascism. You can find a lot in common, e.g. popular hygiene back then and how neo-fascist organizations deal with AIDS today; the keeping of the 'German blood' back then with the keeping of the 'German blood' today. At that time the Jews contaminated the 'German blood', today it is the foreigners. As an example, I would like to present only 3 elements that fascism and neo-fascism have in common.[4]

2.3.1 The 'national community'

'Volksgemeinschaft' is an element that all neo-fascist organizations have included in their program. "In thought it can be traced back directly to the corresponding National Socialist propaganda" (von Hellfeld 1987, p. 32). The element of the 'national community' hides the principle of 'monsters' (ibid). This means that everyone who does not belong to the 'national community' is excluded.

The National Socialists used the thesis: "All Germans can do well if Marxism is eradicated 'with stump and style'" (Kühnl 1988, p. 31). This meant that the left-wing parties, trade unions and workers' organizations and their idea of ​​the unity of the Germans destroyed and therefore had to be destroyed. This image of the enemy was needed to make it clear to the population that "... the people ... is a large community of life and fate" (Kühn 1971, p. 85); all have to stick together in this community; every criticism and opposition was portrayed as criminal, destructive and hostile to the people.

Then as now, the element of 'national community' includes social Darwinism and racism. Your own identity is promoted by reflecting on the 'national community'; Different people and those who think differently become opponents and damage the 'German people'. In addition, this element also served to bring out the superiority of one's own race and nation in order to obtain legitimation from the population to subjugate other peoples. Today this is referred to as 'ethnopluralism', which means nothing other than racism - just better packaged.

Note: Small explanation of social Darwinism

Social Darwinism was named after Charles R. Darwin and is a theory that transferred Darwin's theory of natural selection (selection theory) to the development of societies.

In social Darwinism, human society is viewed as part of nature and subject to the laws of nature. This means that people are inherently unequal and this inequality leads to the formation of social hierarchies, because in the struggle for life, in the "struggle for existence", the suitable prevail, while the less suitable subordinate themselves.

"Social Darwinism, which understands social development as a biologically necessary, natural process of adaptation and selection between individuals and between different groups, societies, races or peoples, serves as an ideology of justification for existing social inequalities and injustices and for theories of racism" (Meyers large pocket dictionary 1987, volume 20, p. 283).

2.3.2 The 'leader principle'

The 'Führer principle' is closely related to the 'Volksgemeinschaft ideology'. The 'national community' was / is an organic unit in which the laws of nature are supposed to have their validity.

"Everyone has to fulfill their assigned task (within the 'Volksgemeinschaft' - the author), they are part of the whole. To this whole ... the individual is obliged and subordinated ”(von Hellfeld 1986, p. 14).

A functioning 'national community' requires a strong state and the common good depends on strong leadership by the state. Accordingly, characteristics such as discipline, obedience, loyalty and soldierly honor were celebrated as the highest virtues in fascism. Since the principle of leadership is not compatible with a democracy, the population was made aware of "... Democracy is too weak a form of government, is not able to cope with the great future problems of the German people, what is needed, is a dictatorship ... ”(Kühnl 1988, p. 31).

And today?

The Sinus study has shown that neo-fascist young people describe "Parliament ... as an 'incompetent debating club' ... whose most prominent features are inefficiency and lack of decision-making ability" (Sinus Studies 1981, p. 52) and only one strong state helps against the current chaos and economic problems. 'Law' and 'order' belong to the elementary category of neo-fascist ideology. This means that the social panacea are hardship, obedience, discipline and hierarchies up to and including cadaver obedience.

2.3.3 The 'scapegoat philosophy'

Fascist propaganda under National Socialism sounded like this: “World enemy number 1, the Jews, must be eliminated from the social life of Germany. They are the actual bloodsuckers, who sit 'upstairs', in the banks, in the department stores, sucking the German workers and employees, the German farmer and craftsman "(quoted from Kühnl 1988, p.31)

The scapegoat philosophy was an elementary component of fascist ideology, because it was excellently suited to directing social discontent against the Jews and at the same time against the communists, because Marx was a Jew. It was also strengthened by the fact that one's own reference group, one's own nation and race, was being destroyed by Judaism.

In this way the Jews were brought into connection with all other enemy groups: with communism, democracy and capitalism.

“Anti-Semitism turns out to be ... an ideology that directs the existing aggression onto an object that has nothing more to do with the causes of the aggression than any other object. ... Here it becomes clearly visible that these enemy groups (gypsies, foreign workers, homosexuals, freemasons ...) only serve to distract from the real causes of social inequality and downgrading ”(Kühnl 1971, p. 94).

Neo-fascists still work with this element of the 'scapegoat philosophy' today.

"The foreigners are taking our jobs" is a slogan that can be read again and again on neo-fascist stickers. Foreigners primarily mean Turks, colored people and other non-European groups of people. The 'Nordland type' is not seen as a 'foreigner'.

The foreigners are therefore to blame for the economic crisis, the high unemployment, etc. "The foreigners can afford the big cars while many Germans live on welfare". You hear these and other slogans again and again. Here, too, an attempt is made to divert dissatisfaction, especially among young people. Here, enemy images and groups are created in order to divert existing aggressions and at the same time to anchor the demand for a strong state in the minds of the people.

The latest election results in Berlin, Hesse, Rhineland-Palatinate and in the European elections prove that it works (see point 3.1.1 of this work).

2.4 Summary

As shown, there was no fundamental break with fascism after May 8, 1945. It was not eradicated at its roots, but was able to create a basis again very early on, as the rapid formation of neo-fascist parties and groups shows. However, since the traditional right was discredited by Hitler's fascism and World War II, other forms had to be chosen. The formation of the 'New Right' was a specific way of making neo-fascism socially acceptable and not only bringing it into right-wing circles but also into parts of the left.

“The attractiveness of the new right ideology is explained by the fact that it offers solutions for the crisis processes and contradictions of the capitalist system that have become unmistakable, which do not require any changes in the basic economic structures, but only a modification of the value system” (Koelschtzky 1986, p. 19).

And with that a function of neo-fascism is named, namely the function of changing the value system of the population without having to change the economic conditions. The functions of neo-fascism are an important part of the politics of ruling circles in order to keep the population in check in a time of economic crisis, to offer them alternatives for social inequalities and inequalities, but only in one direction - to the right.

The similarities between fascism and neo-fascism, however, must not be overlooked. The program of a national reorganization of the world is called "ethnopluralism" today. This term, coined by the "New Right", can be found in all neo-fascist groups and organizations. Following on from social Darwinism and with reference to the 'modern' behavioral research of Konrad Lorenz, a natural hierarchy of people is being developed. Better packaged and apparently scientifically proven, nothing else comes to light here than the fascist ideology of 'master humanity'.

Striking similarities can also be found in other points, which, when examined closely, make it clear that Opitz's definition of neo-fascism (see page 7 of this work) is correct.

3. Presentation of neo-fascist ideologies and appearances with special consideration of neo-fascist "youth organizations"

Neo-fascist organizations and groups do not have a uniform ideology. Nevertheless, common basic patterns can be identified that are common to all groups.

Michael Kühnen once said to me: The impression is deceptive. Even if we seem very different when it comes down to it, we strike out together.

3.1 Ideology and appearance of neo-fascism in the FRG

Despite different appearances of neo-fascist groups and organizations it can be said: “Conceptually, right-wing extremist ideology focuses on the propagation of a völkisch nationalism, which, elevated to the 'Volksgemeinschaft', assumes a fundamental equality of 'the' Germans, 'the' people “(Rotermundt quoted from: Hartmann et al. 1985, p. 33). Without this element, neo-fascist ideas could not be explained.

3.1.1 The ideology and common basic patterns of neo-fascist groups

Have a central role for all neo-fascist groups

the terms 'people' and 'fatherland'. These terms are emotionally charged and other values ​​can also be derived from them.

According to the Sinus study, these terms "people" and "fatherland" give the interlocutors from the neo-fascist spectrum meaning and security (cf. Sinus study 1981, p. 42).

The term 'home', with which security was also associated, is just as emotionally charged. The closer home is equated with an intact, functioning environment, infrastructure and social structure. This leads to a transfiguration of traditional, social structures (cf. ibid.).

The complexity of our modern society does not seem to convey meaning and security. Neo-fascist groups cling to traditional values, marriage, family and authority as well as virtues such as order, discipline and punctuality.

“The family, once a protective community for all its members who emerged from a natural process, is now just a consumer goods community ... The once protective hand of the family and the parents' house has been replaced by the rotten bony hand of the materialistic state. This state cannot even protect children. They bleed to death by the thousands on our streets every year ... The only means of combating all grievances is a commitment to the people and the fatherland ... ”(advertising leaflet of the ANS-Mädelbund in: von Hellfeld 1987, p. 69ff).

The 'national community' is therefore a central element. The rejection of pluralism and democracy is derived from this. "Parties and trade unions are seen as harmful interest groups that only have their self-interest, but not the common good in mind, and only 'divide the people apart'" (Sinus Study 1981, p. 52).

The 'völkisch thinking', also an important part of all groups in the neo-fascist area, aims at a creeping occupation of political fields that are not considered 'right'. Neo-fascist ideologues take advantage of the population's concern for the preservation of the natural environment.

[...]



[1] on the whole point 2.1.1 see Huhn / Meyer 1986, p. 41ff and Gottschaldt in Faller / Siebold (Hg) 1986, p. 101ff

[2] Read more in: "No chance for hatred" by M. v. Hellfeld (Hg), Cologne 1989

[3] The book by Martina Koelschtzky: "The Voice of Her Lord", Cologne 1986, offers a good insight into the topic of the 'New Right'

[4] These elements can be read in more detail in Kühnl 1971, pp. 84ff; Kühnl 1988, p. 30ff and von Hellfeld 1987, p. 16ff.

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