Did the Nazis want Anglo-Saxons to be killed?


News for German Socialists in England

This newsletter is published for the information of Social Democratic
refugees from Germany who are opposing dictatorship of any kind.

No. 58/59 - 1944

January February

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We are deeply shocked to learn that Dr. Carl Mierendorff, one of our best, had to give up his life. He died at the age of 46 in the course of the air raid on Leipzig on December 4, 1943. With his irrepressible will to live he endured four years at the front in the First World War, many years of fighting the National Socialists and five horrific years in the concentration camp, to get rid of them tragic fate that robs us of an irreplaceable person, warrior and leader and a great hope. The fulfillment and crowning of his life would have been the leading participation in the final liberation struggle.

"Carlo" was born on March 24, 1897. At the age of 17 he went to war; was badly wounded and returned with the Iron Cross 1st class and a convinced socialist. He became a member of the Independent Social Democratic Party and then the United SPD. He studied national economics in Frankfurt, Munich, Freiburg and Heidelberg and after the Rathenau murder made a name for himself as the leader of the Heidelberg workers in their protest demonstration against the provocations of the reactionary physics professor Lennard[1]. His many hours of fiery defense speech in the subsequent trial brought him acquittal and general attention. He was literary and artistically gifted himself, he was close friends with Zuckmayer and other young Rhenish artists, writers and theater people, and took part in the radical literary magazine "Die Dachstube"[2] in Darmstadt and made interesting suggestions for the exploitation of the film in his booklet "Wenn ich das Kino ..."[3]. From 1922-24 he worked in the research office of the transport workers' association in Hamburg[4] ; from 1924-26 as editor at "Hessischer Volksfreund"[5], Darmstadt; from 1926-28

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as secretary of the social democratic parliamentary group in Berlin. Then he returned to his homeland, Hessen-Darmstadt, and was one of the first to recognize the increasing threat of National Socialism in the country. From then on all his strength was devoted to the fight against the Nazis. His inspiring speech, his bold drive, his wit and his tireless activity made him so popular among the Hessian workers that despite his youth he was elected to the Reichstag in the September 1930 election. Since 1929 he was also press chief in the Hessian Ministry of the Interior and in this capacity he was involved in the discovery and evaluation of the Bestschen "Boxheimer documents".[6] As a permanent employee of the "Sozialistische Monatshefte", the "Gesellschaft"[7] and other magazines, he wrote numerous foreign policy articles, which were particularly devoted to Franco-German understanding, and among other things, articles on electoral reform in which, as an opponent of the too bureaucratic list system, he advocated a more personal parliamentary representation of the constituencies. In the Reichstag he gained fame through a fiery speech against Dr. Goebbels, whom Mierendorff considered to represent those front fighters who fought for peace and understanding.

In 1929 and 1930 Mierendorff studied the political and propaganda methods of the Nazis and realized that the Social Democratic Party apparatus and its way of working, as successful as they had been in another period, had to be redesigned if they were to be used against the modern technology of the Nazis . From then on he worked tirelessly on new methods and used them in the daily battle. He invented the symbol of the "three arrows" and with his friend, Prof. Tschachotin[8], a Russian propaganda specialist, he devised the "freedom" greeting with an outstretched arm and clenched fist, new methods for demonstrations and gatherings, and gathered around him the most active elements of the labor movement and especially the youth, for whom he became an excellent teacher and inspiring role model. Anyone who has witnessed the new momentum of the anti-Nazi struggle themselves knows how successful Carlo was.

After the election on March 5, 1933, Carlo was recognized by fanatical Nazis on the street and only saved from lynch death by a loyal comrade who kidnapped him in his taxi at the crucial moment. Then followed a period of constant changing of apartments and small conferences dealing with illegal fighting methods; and Mierendorff was the first to constantly risk his life and

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enjoyed training in conspiratorial technique. The time is not yet to report on the details of this period. Before the Reichstag session on May 17, 1933, he tried to push through a resolution in the parliamentary group that would make the world aware of the political significance of the turnaround and Nazi terror.[9] He did not go abroad because he believed he should continue the fight; he was arrested in Frankfurt on June 13, 1933, a few minutes after his lawyer had informed him that the arrest warrant issued against him had been repealed. The Nazis dragged him in a triumphal procession through Darmstadt's main streets, but it was a triumph for Mierendorff, who strode through the raging ranks with his head held high and a disdainful smile on his lips. It followed without interrogation or judgment: Darmstadt regional court prison, Osthofen concentration camp, Boergermoor, Lichtenburg.

His upright posture over the years is praised by many. What it meant for this young, so active person to endure the agony of the concentration camp for a full five years will only be fully appreciated by those who knew Carlos' love for freedom, life, sport, nature, theater and beauty.

Carlo Mierendorff was always a loyal servant to the "party" that he admired, in spite of some friction that arose from the fact that he went through thick and thin for something that was once recognized as right and fought it out against whatever resistance. Perhaps he has sometimes seen further than some of our older comrades, because he felt very early that it was no longer just about periodic election campaigns, but about a life and death struggle between freedom and slavery. Now Carlo is no longer and it is difficult to get used to the idea that this fire has gone out without first having once again sacrificed the embers of his personality to our movement.

Heinrich Stroebel died, We received this message at the time of going to press from Switzerland, where he was living in exile. Stroebel was one of the first MPs to enter the Prussian state parliament for the SPD. As a representative of the USPD, he shared with Paul Hirsch[10] (SPD) chaired the Prussian revolutionary state government (which was also Otto Braun, Suedekum[11], Hugo Simon[12], Konrad Haenisch[13], Adolph Hoffmann[14], Wolfgang Heine[15] and Kurt Rosenfeld). H. Stroebel made one of the first literary contributions to the history of the November Revolution. In the German Reichstag he represented the Saxon [constituency] of Chemnitz-Zwickau for a short time[16].

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Nazi Germany in the fifth winter of the war

The Executive Board of the SPD, based in London, has in turn received a number of reports from Germany which allow an insight into the internal German situation in the last months of 1943. In the following overview we give an extract of this information to our friends in the free world.

1. Effects of the air war

The reports on the effects and consequences of the Allied air raids refer primarily to Berlin and Hamburg, they are based on observations made before the start of the major raids on Berlin. A trained observer who visited Berlin at the beginning of December 43 and who also has personal knowledge of the inner-German opposition movement from his previous work gives the following description:

"Despite the often rather long pauses between the British air raids, the city has never really recovered to normal life. It is difficult to estimate how many people were homeless or killed. The descriptions in the neutral press are nowhere near the consequences for theirs All the heaviness again. Berlin is the city of backyards, and behind every facade hit on the street is a line of hit buildings. Even in the time when there were no air raids, one could hear the shooting of explosive charges. Technical emergency aid and the army blow them up Walls and houses were in danger of collapsing. After days, the streets could be exposed to such an extent that restricted traffic was possible. One simply had no time to search under the rubble of the houses for the people trapped in the cellars. You know the people are long dead and there are more important things to do than dig for dead.

In the streets bordering the bombed quarters or in the slightly damaged houses in the bombed quarters, people have lived either "outdoors" or "under constant blackout" since then. The city's glaziers have instructions to only open the windows for each family one To repair the room, and only if there is enough glass in stock. People have to deliver the window sashes to the glazier, and they are stored there until it is their turn or material is available. The other windows should be clad with cardboard or masonite, which the municipal building yards provide - as long as stocks last. Housing the bombed out is a serious problem. You have always lived very closely in Berlin, and now you have to move closer together. The evacuation to other areas was immediate

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organized, but that too was slow. The railroad had its own troubles. After the first and second major attacks, the long-distance railways reached the wider area of ​​the city with little effort. For example, the trains went to Magdeburg from Potsdam, in the direction of Stendal from Wustermark, to Kremmen from Velten, to Hamburg from Nauen, to Mecklenburg from Oranienburg, to Angermuende and Stettin from Eberswalde. A few days later some of the trains could leave their old stations. On November 30th, the tram only ran from the outskirts to points in front of the inner city center. End points were for example: Hallesches Tor, Hermannsplatz, Goerlitzer Bahnhof, Strassenbahnhof Muellerstrasse, Zoo. The S-Bahn did not run from Janowitzbruecke to Charlottenburg. On the Ringbahn, traffic between Halensee and Wilmersdorf was interrupted. There were four bus routes in the city center. Only the subway ran normally except for one line.

Attempts have been made to use all conceivable forces to create more normal traffic conditions. The population was also used for clearing work and to help at larger traffic points. Very bad work has been done. Once they asked the tired population the impossible, but then the mood was very bad. The cause lay in the smaller attacks that were no longer stopping and the new large-scale attacks that followed. People worked with the feeling that the work was pointless. A new attack in the evening can destroy the work of the day again. For example: After a week of work, the Lehrter train station was in good order, using all available resources, so that isolated trains could run. In the following major attack, the entire facility was hit again and destroyed.

The authorities also have their difficulties. Many post offices have been destroyed. In order to get order you have to take on new forces. This again contradicts the provisions on total mobilization. Many bank buildings were destroyed, including Deutsche Bank Unter den Linden. The industry could not pay their wages and salaries, the transfer of money, including that of the post office, was suspended. After a few days, the payments were resumed, but only to the authorities. The banks of Berlin are the headquarters for the whole empire. It is now difficult to create a decentralized organization.

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The housing problem in Hamburg is also particularly urgent. After the confiscation of all vacant apartments, it turned out that even if the rooms were overcrowded, by far not all the homeless could be accommodated.

The authorities then announced that small concrete houses (20 to 30 square meters) would be built in the immediate vicinity of Hamburg. The interested homeless then, with great effort and great expense, procured a piece of land on which these strange living bunkers should stand. After the attack on Berlin, however, it was announced that construction was not to be expected this year. Today the working-class families live in the windy arbors of the allotment gardens and look forward to winter with horror. Often these families, who for the most part have broken into these arbors by force, have to move out again when the rightful owner returns, in order to "break in" elsewhere. The police have currently lost all control over the residents of these gypsy camps. The SS are now often raiding these unregistered residential areas, as it is believed that deserters are hiding there.

Serious damage to the Schichau shipyard in Gdansk
as a result of an air raid, a Danzig man reports. The damage has not yet been repaired, although work is carried out day and night. The shipyard mainly builds submarines. The workers have to work day and night and they are treated like dogs. A large part of the workforce consists of Polish forced laborers who work reluctantly. There are many acts of sabotage. In the city of Gdansk it is said that quite a number of Polish workers and also Gdansk people who sympathized with them have been executed. The Schichau shipyard now employs well over 20,000 workers. Many have to work in hastily built barracks. The health of the workforce is very poor, but only those who are found to be bedridden by the medical examiner are allowed to give up work for days. The people of Gdańsk have very strong sympathies for the Poles and the Allies.

2. The mood in the Wehrmacht

An interesting report on the mood in the German Wehrmacht is given by a German political refugee who escaped to neutral countries before being transported to the Eastern Front. He was drafted in May 1943. During the military-medical examination it was only written as garrison usable. The same thing happened to a heart patient who collapsed and died shortly after under the exertions of the ministry.

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Our reporter was sent to a training camp in an occupied country. Among his two hundred comrades were thirty Elsaesser who had previously served with the French for three or four years and had now been forced into German military service. The training lasted only three months. Ten to twelve men were always accommodated in one room in the training camp. Every room had a radio. After a fortnight it became customary to hear the German broadcasts to the Wehrmacht from London. The Elsaesser heard the French broadcasts from London. The only precautionary measure was to put a guard in the corridor to avoid surprises. The private or room elders took part in listening to the broadcasts, and there was no betrayal.

The reporter visited Hamburg in May 1943 before he was drafted into the army. On this occasion he met a number of former friends from the Reichsbanner and the Social Democrats, who had remained unchanged in their sentiments.

The mood among the soldiers was very bad. It was directed against the Nazis, and Hitler was not exempt from the criticism either. Soldiers from Hamburg, who were in Hamburg after the destruction of the city, came back very bitter. Their anger was not directed against the English, but against the Nazis. - The service was very strict. Several soldiers became seriously ill with their hearts or suffered from other consequences of the overexertion. But no consideration was given to them.

A young Swedish socialist, who until recently had to do military service on the Norwegian border, spoke to many German soldiers during this time. With a few exceptions, all were opponents of the war and the Nazis. They were relatively young people and they were delighted to speak to a Swedish socialist. None of them believed in a victory for Hitler.

Wounded from the Eastern Front, also describe the mood among the soldiers as very bad. You no longer believe you can withstand the Russians.

The conversation among the soldiers only revolves around the question of how to get out of the mess. On the other hand, people are still as afraid of being captured by the Russians as they are of the SS, which are trying to keep the front behind the front.

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Reports from Berlin illustrate the ruthless tension of the soldiers. A soldier around thirty years old who has already been wounded three times and is also suffering from malaria was sent back to the front.

Lately there has been an increasing number of soldiers who come on vacation to visit former friends from the labor movement in order to talk to them politically, even if they have not had contact with one another for years.

3. General mood of the population

A Berlin reporter, who was asked during his visit to neutral foreign countries how he envisions the end, said: "We know that if we lose the war, Germany will be smashed." In high Nazi circles there was still hope for a separate peace with Russia.The Nazi bosses are ready to turn 180 degrees to save themselves. People in Berlin laughed at Mussolini's "liberation".

About the mood among the peasants the same reporter reports that the farmers - despite severe penalties - are insubordinate and sabotage the delivery of wheat and vegetables. The chickens are slaughtered because they do not receive enough feed. The farmers prefer foreign workers as relatives and "German helpers".

A senior consular officer of a neutral country, who used to work in Hamburg and also visited Berlin and other parts of Germany before returning home, reports on his impressions: The mood in Hamburg, Berlin and other places is desperate. Nobody believes in an outcome of the war that is reasonably tolerable for Germany.

The workforce is opposed to war and Nazism, but the pressure from the SA and the Gestapo is still extremely strong. In South Germany, especially in Wuerttemberg, the mood is particularly depressed. Here it is not just the working class who openly speak out against Nazism. Even the middle class and the peasants, once the most loyal supporters of Hitler, curse the Hitler system.

4. The lack of labor

Today's "Working Berlin" is described by a Berliner as follows: In Berlin you can almost only see and hear foreign workers. It is a colorful mix of peoples in which the Germans are becoming increasingly rare. The work performance of foreigners is assessed very differently.

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The mobilization of women did not have the success I had hoped for. Their job performance is unsatisfactory and their mood is bad. - Old people too are rigorously forced to return to work or to do more work. An individual case is reported from Berlin in which a baker, who is over 60 years old, was forced to do street cleaning in addition to his strenuous professional work. A Hamburg basket maker, 74 years old, who lost everything in the air raids, was forced to work as a basket maker outside of Hamburg.

5. The food supply

In Berlin Opposition members regarded the food situation as fairly satisfactory in the autumn of 1943. This is especially true in cases where grants from the allotment gardens were available. On the other hand, there is a strong lack of fat. The lack of special assignments for children, such as sweets and fruit, is particularly felt. The lack of clothing is very great.

Reports from Saxony speak of an increasing deterioration in the nutritional situation. All possible substitute foodstuffs are brought onto the market that are only sold on brands. The latest in this area are vegetable sausage and potato sausage. They were introduced with the following announcement:

In the near future, sausages, namely meat sausage, black pudding and liver sausage with added potatoes as well as hunted sausage and bratwurst with added vegetables, will be on sale in the shops. These four types of sausage must have a clearly visible stripe of blue or purple color on the wrapping that extends over the entire length. In addition, a notice or a sign with a reference to the meat, potato or vegetable content of the sausage marked with colored stripes must be placed in a conspicuous place on the wall or directly next to the displayed goods. The proportion of potatoes or vegetables must be specified precisely. Since such sausages do not last long, they must not be sold during the hot months.

6. From the camp of the inner-German opposition

We first give a summary of a trained observer's view of the strength and ideas of the opposition. His opinion is: Opposition movements against the regime are strong among the whole people.

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All layers are covered by it. that this opposition mood does not lead to action is due to two points. The people were raised to fear the power of the system for nearly a decade. The power apparatus lets the people feel all its brutality. The carriers of the idea of ​​opposition are split up into tiny parts that live without any connection with one another. The more people's lives deviate from normal, the more these difficulties are overcome. There are groups of socialists in every city. Clear evidence is the growing ties between the permanent workers and the foreign workers in the factories.

The establishment of the Moscow "Free Germany Committee"is known in the country. The reception is divided among the former communists. Some of them say yes, because the move comes from Moscow. Another part rejects it. "The generals made Hitler great. And now, after you see that their path has led Germany into disaster, should we consider them comrades-in-arms?" The socialists reject the establishment as "maneuver".

One only regrets again and again that England does nothing to ideologically support the democrats in the country. The Russians, it is said, were too clumsy when it was founded. The workers - apart from the [...] above-mentioned section of the communists - reject the committee. The bourgeoisie as well, this out of fear of Bolshevism, which is still a reality. The English would have it easier to grasp the people on the basis of the democratic idea. Unfortunately, they lack the right propagandistic approach to this. The sympathies of the vast majority of the people belong to them.

Another Berlin reporter, who has no ties to the labor movement, is very skeptical about the possibility of opposition action:

The workers earn what they want. They are apathetic, go to the cinema, the theater or concerts in the evenings, all of which are overcrowded. Even if the great majority are not Nazis, they are so exhausted and willless by the driving forces in the factories that they currently do not pose a threat to the system. Then there is the terrible terror that is increasing every day. The execution of intellectuals for defeatist statements also has a very deterrent effect. There is a strong current among the intellectuals for the overthrow of the system.

This pessimistic assessment of the attitude of the working class is available from information from socialist circles

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Opposition to who sound much more optimistic. The activities of a socialist group are reported in camouflaged form from a major German city: "Despite the difficult times, our sports club is very busy. Many of the old sports fans have given up their passivity. Even the young sports fans, as far as they are not in the field, practice diligently . "

A short message comes from another area of ​​the empire to the shop steward in neutral foreign countries: "We are definitely expecting to see you here shortly."

The Hachts shipyard, which lies on an Alster canal in the Hamburg-Barmbek district and was partially destroyed during the heavy attacks, was supposed to move to the southern Elbe with the rest of the inventory. The shipyard recently built foreships for submarines. When the valuable special machines were stowed on a barge, it capsized and sank. Since the workers had previously refused to go back to work at the shipyard, the accident was declared sabotage and those involved were arrested.

(Completed early February 1944)

German air war economy

In January 1944 the bombing offensive against Germany reached a new high point. The total weight of the bombs that have been dropped on Germany since the beginning of the war will be around 220,000 to 230,000 tons.

About 70,000 to 80,000 tons fell over Great Britain in the entire period of the war.

The main attack of the German air offensive in 1940 was directed against London. Greater London was hit by around 7,500 tons. Conversely, Berlin has become the main target of British attacks in recent months.

The difference is that the weight of the bombs that fell on Berlin was around 20,000 tons.

These numbers say nothing about the degree of destruction. The same bomb weight can achieve greater effects today than in 1941. The German area and the number of German cities, on the other hand, are significantly more extensive and larger.

About 50% of the major German cities have been completely or partially destroyed, but at least the inner core. If the same intensity of the air offensive and the same effect are assumed, all urban ones would have to be in another one or two years

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Centers in Germany will be completely destroyed. An essential prerequisite for this result would be the premature end or the helplessness of the German defense against the air offensive. It can already be said with some certainty that the hoped-for effect on the morale of the German population has not yet materialized. During the summer months, the Nazi propagandists were extremely unsure. They feared a physical collapse of the population.

The air defense was inadequate and the mass evacuation was beyond the power of the various Nazi organizations. In the course of the air offensive, however, it turned out that there was often enough time between the individual attacks to find emergency solutions that would allow war production to continue. It is in the nature of air attacks that they can hit practically all German cities over long distances, but that they remain isolated acts of war at the same time, comparable to an artillery barrage, which is not followed by an attack with infantry and tanks.

Another disadvantage of the air offensive is that it still consists essentially of night attacks.

American bomb squadrons made a new attempt in January 1944 to attack central Germany in relatively clear weather during the day. The result, however, was probably not worth the effort. It showed that the German air defense had not only become stronger but also more successful. However, it seems to be a fact that the old and the new industrial plants and the areas in Bohemia, Central Germany and Silesia can only be effectively hit in daytime attacks.

Unfortunately there is no way to estimate the degree of destruction. German reports only speak of residential areas. British and American reports are often invalidated by a lack of knowledge of the objectives, while reports by neutral observers are often worthless. In the course of the last attacks on Berlin, Neukoelln was in various reports relocated to the east and the west of the city.

Apart from these exaggerated or nicely colored reports, the fact remains that civil and industrial life in Germany took on a new character with the summer of last year.

It can be briefly referred to as the air war economy. The mass evacuation of the population and factories is almost over.

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Southern Germany, Austria and the eastern provinces are the main receiving areas.

Important factories that were destroyed in the Ruhr area, in Hamburg and in other cities have partially been put back into operation or "relocated". The term "relocated" has different meanings.

In many cases it means nothing other than that the workers of a destroyed factory were transported to Central Germany, Austria or Silesia, where they were simply incorporated into an existing factory.

It can also mean that rescued people were reinstalled somewhere in Germany in factory halls built during the war. Sometimes it is said that the orders that were being worked on in a destroyed factory have been transferred to another factory.

There is no doubt that the aerial war hit all parts of the war economy. However, the fact cannot be denied that no part has been decisively hit. The physical mobility of the totalitarian war economy is considerable and the characteristic "shock production" makes it possible to concentrate materials and workers for certain purposes to the utmost to the detriment of other parts of the economy. The mood and the way of life of the population plays no role.

At the same time, air defense has increased significantly. Mass attacks by closed hunter formations have been developed against the daytime attacks by American bombers. During the night, individual hunters are directed to their targets by radio. Rocket cannons, more powerful flare bombs, large-caliber machine guns, etc., each a further development of the existing weapons, are used en masse. Attacks can only be fully effective in a few nights, when clouds and fog prevent any air defense with the exception of artillery.

At the moment the air war has reached a climax. A new increase seems to be possible only if the attack methods can gain a new lead over the defense.

[Event notice]

Members meeting the organizations belonging to the "UNION".
Friday, February 18th, 7.30 am, in the
Austrian Labor Club, 31, Broadhurst Gardens, London, N.W. 6.

Erwin Schoettle talk about "The situation in Germany".

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Germany's future in the mirror of the press

Statements on the question of the treatment of Germany after the victory of the Allies have increased so much recently that it is not possible to give a complete overview of all the different (often sharply contradicting) proposals and predictions that are made in the form of books and speeches, brochures, articles and letters have surfaced. For the information of our readers and friends, however, we are giving the contents of three publications that deserve attention for the publicity they have found.


was a speech about the in November 1943 in the series of speeches about time problems Reconstruction of Germany held. The speaker was Dr. Christian Gauss[17], the dean of Princeton University, whose former president Woodrow Wilson Gauss had appointed to his university.

Dr. Gauss first turned against the theory that Germany was incorrigibly militaristic because of its biological inheritance peculiarities. He pointed out that the Anglo-Saxons are of German descent, that the Swiss, the best republicans in Europe, are seventy percent German, and that some of the most brilliant Americans in this war like Eisenhower and Willkie[18] are of German origin.

"It is not the biological inheritance of the Germans that is bad, but the inheritance of their institutions, which can be summed up in the word Prussia. Prussian Junker generals organized and command Hitler's armies. The success of Prussia was so great that only when these armies were decisively defeated are, Prussia will disappear and the reconstruction will begin. "

Dr. Gauss then summarized the points on which there was already agreement and decisions were made:

1. No separate peace will be concluded

2. Unconditional surrender is required,

3. Help is given to all who are in need

4. Austria will become independent,

5. War criminals should be punished in the countries where they commit their crimes. On this point, Gauss noted that only those who have committed legally definable crimes should be arrested. It was reminiscent of the American Civil War and the March of the Northern States Army General Sherman[19] by the Southern States in 1865, raising the question of whether any lieutenant in the Northern Army went unpunished

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would have stayed if the southern states had sat in court.

As another point on which there is agreement, Gauss mentioned the demand that everything that has been privately and officially stolen must be repaid. He pointed out the size of the problem, which results from an official American estimate, according to which the German robbery already amounts to 36 billion dollars. And he added that part of it consists in the means of production, which enabled the Germans to set up their own production system. "No profit from these thefts must remain in German hands. But if the standardization of production can better manufacture the products that Europe needs, then they must be used for this purpose. Hitler has free trade and a common currency policy throughout occupied Europe. System introduced. This currency will soon be worthless, but under our protection free trade and common currency must be transformed into pacemakers for reconstruction. Everything that can promote the awareness of common interests in Central Europe must be made usable. "

Gauss then pointed out that Poland was not mentioned in the statement after the Moscow conference and said: "Poland's problem is too complicated. For a while no German minority will be able to live without military protection in areas that are ruled by peoples like the Poles who enslaved Hitler, but the Polish corridor is and should remain Polish. East Prussia is the ancestral seat of the Junkers and is separated from Germany by this ethnic corridor. Rumors go that they might transplant the population and give the land to the Poles. But that would not solve the problem, since the country and soil themselves are saturated with German history. Neither the corridor nor East Prussia can be inserted into solid blocks of sovereign nationalist states. Borders should be made less important and not more important.Let us hope that disputed areas are not immediately cramped into strictly nationalist states. The door must remain open for some kind of federation. Such groups cannot be forced, but if, for example, the southern German states no longer want Berlin to be the capital, then they must be allowed to act accordingly. "

Gauss went on to explain that one can predict with certainty that Germany will have no desire to wage war against Russia in the next 30 years, given the growing population and strength of Russia. "If Germany has no allies, it will be harmless next to Russia."

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As for German re-education, the deeds of the Nazis and their consequences will be the best teachers. The Fuehrer's failures will make the Fuehrer principle disappear. But, said Gauss, that's not enough. "We must bring about the political means and attitudes that will remove the post-Versailles desperation that made so many people and a number of nations lean towards dictatorship. We all have a long, difficult road ahead of us."

Gauss pointed out the need for supranational organizations in our time because democracy and modern industry can only thrive on a global basis.

"Science and technology are by their nature non-nationalistic. The Treaty of Versailles tried to press these equalizing and expanding forces, which work for world democracy, into nationalistic straitjackets. It created technological unemployment. Certainly it was the greatest creation of the First World War the Soviet Union, the creation of which in Versailles was most eagerly endeavored to prevent. That is the verdict of history on Versailles. "

In the end, Gauss said: "Germany will be the sick man of Europe for many years. There will be no easy way out, and it would be hypocrisy if we made beautiful promises. The political and economic focus of Europe is already moving eastwards.

Many people ask where the leadership in Germany should come from. The best answer is: probably from the concentration camps. There are 71 such camps in which there were 1,200,000 Germans, only a fraction of them Jews. They have suffered the hardest and deeply recognize that the form of government that Prussia enforced and Hitler exploited is a hopeless anachronism. If these camps are opened and their prisoners released, then I hope they and we will agree that the ultimate solution for Germany and Europe can only be found in a kind of less nationalistic union or federation within a much more united and democratic world. "


two of the most widely read English daily newspapers, published January 5, 1944 Proposals for the treatment of Germany after the war. In the following we want to give our friends an abbreviated summary of the contents of these publications.

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The historian Robert M. Rayner wrote in "DAILY EXPRESS"[20] about this theme. He emphasized that the judgment on Germany, if it is to last, must be made without revenge. "During those war years we keep saying that the Versailles Treaty was too lenient. But it is a historical fact that one of the main reasons it failed was because England and America felt it was too harsh. As for Americans, thus their aversion to this peace, which they believed ignored the ceasefire conditions, led them to reject this peace and the League of Nations.[21] That was another major cause of the world's suffering since then. "

Rayner then pointed out an important circumstance: "We and our allies were, in a sense, complicit in the defendant's evils. We had a chance to put a stop to Hitler when he was rearming and re-militarizing the Rhineland. Germany was weak at the time while we were strong with our allies; but our nerves failed. The crimes against Abyssinia, Austria, Spain, Czechoslovakia and Albania were the result. "

We should therefore not regard Germany as a vicious criminal who must be punished, but as a murderous madman who must be cured.

"Once he's overwhelmed, his guns have to be taken away and he has to be put in a straitjacket, and then we have to cast out the evil spirits he was possessed by; otherwise we could never dare to take his straitjacket off. And that would lead to an impossible situation. Because nobody can assume that sheer hardship will ever tame him. Could centuries of military occupation and political oppression destroy the national resistance in Ireland and Poland? And the Germans are, at least numerically, an incomparably larger nation than Poles and Irish . " In addition, one of the mistakes of 1918 was to assume that the existing political situation would last, that Italy and Japan would be allies, the Soviet Union would be meaningless, and France would remain the dominant power of Europe. "Can one reasonably expect even 30 years of joint efforts by the current victors in suppressing Germany against its will? Mere suppression will keep old wounds open, and as soon as a lack of unity among the Allies loosens their grip, the old story of violence and terror becomes." start all over again. "

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Another mistake of 1919 was the assumption that the mere establishment of a middle class republic would be enough to create a new Germany. "The old ruling classes - officer corps and big capitalists - were left intact to put a stop to the political revolution when it threatened to turn into social and economic overturn."

Bolshevism was feared at the time. Today it is different. "That is why this time we will be able to break the German revolution, the big Junker goods and the big industrial corporations. The Germans have to bring about their own salvation in their own way as soon as the United Nations has already shown them have that Nazism does not lead to world power, but to ruin, freed them from the yoke of terror.The guarantee that they can build their state peacefully, without fear of a return of the Gestapo or Waffen-SS, is given by an Anglo-American Occupation Army. (Probably no nation tormented by German occupation could contribute to a psychological cure, which would be our main goal.) Stalin has already indicated that the Russians have no time for that. "

The occupation army should consist of first-class professional soldiers, sailors and pilots, "who will gain respect and create the impression that their aim is not insult and oppression, but security. It will be spread all over the country and indefinitely Your first duty will be to hold court-martial over war criminals. The net must be thrown wide, the trials must be summary, the judgments must be drastic. Death for all who ordered atrocities; which they carried out with unnecessary zeal. And by the way, this great court will free Germany from its worst and most dangerous layers. "

About reparations it is said that they should go as far as possible without preventing economic recovery. "We now know too much to believe that Europe can ever be happy and prosperous with a bankrupt and desperate Germany in its midst."

The disarmament of Germany must be complete. "No soldier, no sailor, no pilot, no gun, warship or military aircraft, no armed police and no paramilitary volunteers. Internal order and external security are guaranteed by the Anglo-American occupation army." The elimination of the armaments burden will, even if

[Original page:] - 19 -

if the costs for the occupation army are taken into account, the economic recovery of Germany is accelerated. The United Nations will meanwhile bring about the establishment of an international force in order to be able to implement future sanctions. "And if armaments cease to be symbols of national greatness, the occupying army can be withdrawn from a Germany capable of joining the United Nations."

In the "DAILY MAIL" appeared under the pseudonym "VICTORY"[22] a
"Treatment plan for Germany",

which led to a long, mostly critical debate. Its main points were:

"Germany should be prevented from waging war again." To this end, it was proposed: complete disarmament, dissolution of the German army, fleet and air fleet, confiscation or destruction of all war material, all weapons, warships and aircraft, dismantling or destruction of all factories that manufacture explosives, gas, aircraft or other weapons. For a year after the surrender, Germany is said to be occupied by Allied troops who will disarm Germany. The right to manufacture or import explosives or weapons of war is to be forever deprived of the German people. The European commission, which is to consist of three British, American and Russian members each, is supposed to advise the Allied military authorities on the destruction of the German war industry. After the disarmament has been carried out, the Commission will carry out an inspection twice a year. Should no unanimity be reached, a majority decision should be made. These inspections are expected to last for 75 years. Should Germany try to violate the regulations, it will be warned that after seven days the war materials or war factories will be destroyed by bombers. Russian, British and American bombers will fire.

The European Commission will instruct five German professors to set up a committee to lead education in Germany. This committee will appoint the German professors and the heads of all universities and schools by majority vote. The members of the committee are appointed every three years. This provision is also to remain in force for 75 years.

The second main demand is: "Germany should

[Original page:] - 20 -

European economic life to take its place according to its size and population. It will be encouraged to contribute to the benefit of the world in industry, science and scholarship and the arts. "

To this end, it is demanded that when the Allied occupation ends, a German government under the joint leadership of the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the USA be formed, freedom of speech, religion and the press guaranteed and remain in power for three years. Then the German people should elect a government according to their own will.

The German nation is said to own the territory it had in 1937, with the exception of East Prussia, which is to be ceded to Poland within four years of the armistice. German minorities outside Germany should, if they so wish, have the right to move to Germany.

After the end of the military occupation, Germany should resume diplomatic relations with all states.

Firearms for police and internal order maintenance are allocated by the European Commission.

Germany is allowed to maintain a merchant fleet and civil aircraft for passengers and cargo, the number of which is determined by the European Commission and which have to be built in a specific factory. Germany will be represented at international labor conferences and be an equal member of a commission of international economic advisers on common post-war problems. But nations that suffered under the German occupation should be given preference in the allocation of raw materials, machines, livestock and food.

The allied governments should try to prevent Germany's standard of living from falling below those of any other European nation.

The third main demand mentioned is the punishment of war criminals. Those who perpetrated atrocities in the occupied countries are to be tried in those countries according to the decisions of Tehran. In addition, the governments of the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the USA are to draw up a list of the Germans who were responsible for the outbreak of the war. These Germans are to be exiled to Siberia for life, under arrangements that the Soviet government is to make.

[Appeal for donations]

Voluntary contributions, which enable us to produce and send this newsletter

Wilh. Sander, 33, Fernside Avenue, London, N.W. 7.

[Original page:] - 21 -


In "REYNOLDS NEWS" the English socialist H. N. Brailsford took part
to Question of the German eastern borders

on January 30, 1944, in this widely read London Sunday newspaper, took the following position:

"... The demands made by the Moscow Union of Polish Patriots are fantastic: East Prussia, Danzig, Pomerania on the right of the Oder, Upper Silesia and Lower Silesia. There are almost 9 million people. This whole population is to be expelled, to ruin and die To increase confusion in the rest of the Reich. The Czechs are also threatening to expel three million Germans from their territory. That cannot happen: 12 million is too many. Even Hitler, who began to expel Polish and Czech peasants en masse, had to do so stop. Or should we surpass him in brutality?

But even if two or three million are displaced, what then? Wherever they go, they will be messengers of hatred and revenge. Not the Nazis, but the new democratic Germany will be discredited. If it yields to fate, it will fall into contempt. If it tries to protest it will be shattered.

The bulk of the German people will no more forget these lost provinces than the French could forget Alsace. We would teach them by such an act that sheer violence, which has nothing to do with morality and humanity, still rules the world.

Is this the re-education we want?

Everyone knows that these provinces are almost entirely German. When the only dubious districts in East Prussia were examined by a Voelkerbund plebiscite, majorities of 92 and 98 percent were found for Germany.[23]

In Pomerania, Danzig and Lower Silesia the number of Poles is not worth mentioning. Only Upper Silesia has a notable Polish minority. Under the republic under the proportional electoral system, 3 Poles out of 55 representatives were elected to its provincial representation, less than 6 percent. None of the other provinces ever sent a single member of a Polish party to the Reichstag.

Even in times of war, the Labor Party must remember its socialist conscience. No socialist and no democrat can support such demands. If we do not resist them as a party, we will tolerate imperialist acts of violence that destroy our children's hope for peace. "

[Original page:] - 22 -

German socialists in Switzerland[24]

had repeatedly engaged in internal consultations with the future of a free Germany in a free Europe in recent years, which were reflected in the following programmatic proposals:

1. Integration of Germany into a European and international legal community. Renunciation of any politics of violence.

2. Elimination of all National Socialist laws and institutions. The strictest sneer of the National Socialist crimes. Elimination of the Gestapo. Purification of the state apparatus from all National Socialists and their pioneers.

3. Restoration of personal and political freedom. Securing democracy. Right of association. Replacement of the total German unified state by a federal republic. Democratic self-government of the states and communities.

4. Expropriation of large estates. Socialization of heavy industry and banking and credit.

5. Reconstruction of the entire national economy according to a uniform plan with the elimination of capitalist profit-making. Promotion of all branches of the cooperative system.

6. Development of a thoroughgoing social policy with the aim of securing a dignified existence for every individual.

7. Rebuilding the entire educational system in the spirit of freedom, justice and humanity, excluding racial madness and hatred of nationality.

8. Promotion and cooperation in all endeavors towards international cooperation, with the aim of economic, cultural and political federation.

A free German cultural association in Sweden

was founded in Stockholm at the end of January 1944 by members of various party political directions of political German emigration and Swedish citizens.

The federal government wants through lectures, publications, literary and musical events and through performance evenings of the "Freie Buehne"[25] give all liberal and democratic Germans in Sweden the opportunity to profess true German culture and to take part in its reconstruction within the framework of the possibilities given in Sweden.

Through exchange lectures and joint events, cooperation with the Swedish and other Scandinavian

[Original page:] - 23 -

Navian friends of a democratic Germany. The "SWEDISH PRESS"[26] we infer that the chairman of the Federation, Dr. Max Hodann[27] has expressly referred to the non-political task of the federal government in all its activities. Various reports that want to bring the founding of the Federation in Stockholm in connection with the National Committee "Free Germany" in Moscow and the "Free German Movement" in London and Mexico are expressly referred to as false reports by our party friends in Stockholm, the apolitical Task is strongly underlined.

Union of German and Austrian Socialists in Mexico

The union was founded about a year ago, it is not a political party, but a socialist working group. Its members belonged and belong to the most diverse political parties and directions such as SAP, SPD, RS[28] and unions. Its members agree on the most important socialist issues. They are of the opinion that only socialism is able to solve all those problems that have so far given rise to constant economic crises and wars. This socialism must be anti-totalitarian and [will] have to break the connection between a political democracy and a planned economy. The planned economy is considered to be inevitable as a general economic basis [!], As is political democracy, which must grant the working class and [its] allies rights and freedoms that go far beyond the measure of bourgeois democracy. The restructuring of the given economic and state apparatus is considered a natural prerequisite for this. The Union regards it as its task to stay in contact with all German-speaking socialist organizations in order to jointly discuss the fundamental socialist questions of the future. The address of the "Union" is: Walter Stein[29], Tacambaro 4-10, Mexico D.F.

"Léon Blum before his judges"[30]

This book - provided with a foreword by Mr. Attlees and a picture - was previously only available in bookshops for 6 / -. In a cheap, unabridged popular edition, the Labor Party is making Léon Blum's brilliant defense speech available to all socialists for sh 1 / -. Every comrade should read this passionate justification for the policies of Blum and the French socialists.

"YOUR HOME" is the Labor Party's latest 3d propaganda font, richly illustrated, introducing readers to the great post-war building program of the British Workers' Party.[31]

[Original page:] - 24 -


this year's leader of the British Labor Party died on January 4th, 1944 of a heart attack. In G. Ridley, the English labor movement has lost an outstanding trade unionist and socialist. We and the continental labor movement are losing in him a friend of a truly international socialist spirit. Shortly before his death, he expressed his understanding and friendly attitude towards us German socialists in exile in a letter to Comrade Wilh. Sander to the expression, in which it said:

"... I subscribe fully to the point of view expressed by Hans Vogel at the meeting of the German Social Democratic Party held in London on June 18th, 1943 ... To achieve in the German people a preponderating majority who would themselves be vitally interested in liquidating German militarism ... and to develop in Germany a system of true Democracy and peaceful European and international cooperation.

That is the policy for which I stand and for which I believe the British Labor Party stands, and I hope it will be the definite policy of all the Allies when the war is over. "

Comrade Hans Vogel sent a letter of condolence to the Labor Party Secretary-General, J. S. Middleton. In this letter it says:

"... Comrade Ridley's objectivity, his kindness, generosity and unselfish helpfulness has always filled us with deep admiration. He possessed to a high degree the ability to see and appreciate other people's situation and viewpoints. With Comrade Ridley we lose an honored friend, and the death of this fighter and comrade leaves a gap in the ranks of the international labor movement which it will be difficult to fill. As the chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Germany and the `Union of German Socialist Organizations in Great Britain 'I have the honor of assuring the Labor Party and comrade George Ridley's family of our deepest sympathy.

With socialist greetings, ... "

[Event notice]


Announces that this year's Labor Party Convention will be held from Monday 29 May to Friday 2 June at Central Hall, London. Successor as chairman of the Labor Party was Miss Ellen Wilkinson, M.P., vice-chairman Prof. Harold Laski.

Issued by the London Representative of the German Social Demo-
cratic party, 33, Fernside Avenue, London N.W. 7. Tel. MIL 3915

Editorial notes

1 - "Lennard": Philipp Lenard (1862-1947), physicist, 1905 Nobel Prize in Physics. After Walther Rathenau's murder, the government ordered all public buildings to be flagged with the imperial colors of black, red and gold. Lenard, a German Volkish and former partisan of the NSDAP, had refused this for his Heidelberg Physics Institute and kept the service going on that day. Cf. Richard Albrecht: The militant social democrat Carlo Mierendorff. 1897 to 1943. A biography, Berlin-Bonn 1987.

2 - "The Attic Room" (Subtitle: Leaflets. Published informally and free of charge by the Association of the Attic Room), was published in Darmstadt in 1915-1918.

3 - The title of Mierendorff's paper is: If I had the cinema !!, Berlin 1920.

4 - C. Mierendorff worked in Berlin from 1922 to 1924 in the economic office of the German Transport Workers' Association, later renamed the German Transport Association.

5 - Mierendorff's time as an editor in Darmstadt lasted from 1925-1926. The "Hessische Volksfreund" (subtitle: Organ for the interests of the working population) appeared as a social democratic daily newspaper from 1907-1933.

6 - Werner Best (1903-1989), lawyer, former partisan of the NSDAP, 1933 State Police President, later Reich Security Main Office, 1942-1945 so-called Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark. Was dismissed from the Hessian civil service as an assessor in 1931 because he was accused of having written the so-called Boxheimer documents. The Boxheimer documents summarized discussions of Hessian NSDAP functionaries (held in the Boxheimer Hof near Bürstadt / Bergstrasse). They contained plans for a National Socialist takeover of power. B. the liquidation of political opponents. Cf. Ulrich Herbert: Best.Biographical Studies on Radicalism, Weltanschauung and Reason, 1903-1998, Bonn 2001.

7 - The "Socialist Monthly Issues" (forerunner: "The Socialist Academician") appeared in Berlin from 1897 to 1932.
"Die Gesellschaft" (Subtitle: International Review for Socialism and Politics) was published monthly in Berlin 1924-1933.

8 - Sergej Tschachotin (1883-1973), Soviet scientist, 1930-1933 visiting scholar in Heidelberg, exile from 1933.

9 - At the Reichstag on May 17, 1933, a peace resolution submitted by the National Socialists (affirmation of a peaceful German foreign policy) was to be voted on. In the remaining SPD faction, a dispute arose over whether one should demonstratively stay away from the meeting, present one's own resolution, or agree to the NSDAP resolution without viewing it as a vote of confidence in Hitler. Forty-eight of the 65 SPD-MdR present opted for the latter option.

10 - Paul Hirsch (1868 - 1940), social democratic journalist, local politician, 1908 as one of the first SPD members in the Prussian House of Representatives, 1918 - March 1919 he headed the Prussian Ministry of the Interior, 1919-1920 Prussian Prime Minister.

11 - Albert Südekum (1871-1944), social democratic journalist, 1900-1918 Member of the Parliament, Prussian Finance Minister November 1918 to March 1920.

12 - Hugo Simon (1880-1950), banker, USPD member, art collector and promoter of avant-garde artists, 1933 via Switzerland to Paris, there worked in social democratic refugee agencies, expatriated in 1937, escaped to Brazil in 1940.

13 - Konrad Haenisch (1876-1925), social democratic journalist, 1911 head of the leaflet headquarters of the SPD's PV in Berlin, Prussian minister of culture 1918-1921.

14 - Adolph Hoffmann (1858 - 1930), engraver and gilder, MdR SPD (USPD) 1904-1924, Prussian Minister of Education November 1918 - January 1919, named "Ten Commandments Hoffmann" after a brochure he wrote: The 10 Commandments and the possessing classes.

15 - Wolfgang Heine (1861-1944), lawyer, lawyer, social democrat and Member of the European Parliament or member of the National Assembly 1898-1920, November 1918 Prussian Minister of Justice, March 1919 - March 1920 Prussian Minister of the Interior, from 1933 exile in Switzerland.

16 - Heinrich Ströbel (1869-1944), socialist writer, represented the constituency of Chemnitz-Zwickau in the Reichstag from 1924 to 1932. In 1917 he joined the USPD. He was co-editor of the magazine "Klassenkampf", from 1933 exile in Switzerland.

17 - Christian Gauss (1879-1951), American linguist, 1913-1936 and 1943 ff. University dean, 1944 chairman of the American Association for a Democratic Germany.

18 - Wendell Lewis Willkie (1892-1944), American politician (Democratic Party), 1940 Republican presidential candidate.
See also SM 23, March 1, 1941, note 21.

19 - William Sherman (1820-1891), leading general of the Northern States in the American Civil War in 1864.

20 - See Robert M. Rayner and Willis T. G. Airey: Britain and world affairs. 1783-1936, London - New York - Toronto 1938 (study of Britain and world politics).

21 - The international organization of the League of Nations came into being in 1920, not least at the suggestion of the USA. However, the Americans did not join this League of Nations.

22 - The bearer of the pseudonym could not be determined.

23 - In southern East Prussia, a referendum was held in July 1920 on whether the areas should remain part of the German Reich or be annexed to Poland.

24 - This is a discussion group from which the "Union of German Socialists" emerged in March 1945.

25 - The Free Stage in Stockholm first appeared under this name in October 1943. It was an ensemble of German and Swedish actors who gave theater performances in German.

26 - Possibly the publication organ of the Swedish Embassy in London.

27 - Max Hodann (1894 - 1946), German doctor and sex pedagogue, co-founder of the International Youth Association (later International Socialist Fighting League), founder of the first mother advice center in Berlin, imprisoned after the "seizure of power", exile in Switzerland from 1933, Norway 1934, expatriated in 1935, military doctor in Spain in 1937/38, Norway in 1938, Sweden in 1940.

28 - = Revolutionary Socialists.

29 - Walter Stein, who had worked as an Austrian engineer in Germany, had been a member of the SPD.

30 - The Labor Party (Ed.): Léon Blum before his judges. At the Supreme Court of Riom, March 11th and 12th, 1942. Foreword by Clement Attlee. Introduction by Felix Gouin, London undated (1944).

31 - The Labor Party (Ed.): Your Home planned by Labor, London December 1943

32 - A published by the Labor Party in London, e.g. T. printed and irregularly appearing press service, the publication of which was discontinued in 1961.

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